What is education for?
I’ve written this post after discussions with a number of educators and parents as we head into this year’s election. It’s easy to become fixated on just one perspective – hopefully this broadens the conversation we might be having.
The data is hard to argue with. Across the Western world, the OECD’s international surveys show literacy and numeracy slipping, and Aotearoa New Zealand is no exception. Universities and employers say the same from their side of the school gate: too many school leavers arrive without the foundations they need. For politicians it raises an uncomfortable question about whether years of investment have bought what we hoped. This is a real problem, and anyone who dismisses it has not been listening.
So it is no surprise that the response has been swift and certain. Look at the evidence, find what isn’t working, fix it. The diagnosis has landed on the past couple of decades: the emphasis on child-centred learning, inquiry and problem-based approaches, and universal design for learning with its attention to differing needs and preferences. In their place comes a mandated, tightly specified approach built on direct instruction, presented as the “science of learning”.
Here is where the conversation usually splits into camps, and where I’d like to resist the split. Direct instruction works. It is especially powerful for learners who are struggling and for those who simply learn well that way. It has always been part of a skilled teacher’s toolkit, and in our enthusiasm for progressive approaches, some of us let it slip from view. We should be willing to say so. And we should expect it to deliver: measurable short-term gains in literacy and numeracy are likely, and early signs are already being reported. Those gains are worth sustaining.
We should also be careful about what we claim for them. When the latest PISA results arrived, they were offered as part of the case that the reforms are turning things around. But PISA’s 2025 results showed stability rather than recovery, and they were gathered from 15-year-olds in the year the mandate began, who were never taught under it. The numbers, in other words, cannot be evidence of the change. There is more to this story than a single chart, and the honest course is to let the evidence say what it says. The early post-mandate data may be encouraging, but it is also early.
A gain in scores is not the same as an education, either. The foundations of literacy and numeracy are not up for debate. Every learner needs them to reach deeper and higher-order learning. The risk lies in what happens if they become the sole focus. A system tuned narrowly to those measures can leave learners well drilled and quietly short of the capabilities they will need across work, citizenship and life – to think critically, collaborate, create and adapt to a future none of us can predict. Foundations are where learning begins, not where it ends.
There is also an assumption inside the mandate that deserves to be stated here. Treating every child as equal in their capacity to learn sounds like fairness. In practice, it can mean treating every child the same way. I am the father of five children, one of whom is physically disabled. I have lived alongside each of them as they navigated school, and what I know with certainty is that each is a unique individual. They learn in different ways, at different paces, and are motivated by different things. No single method, however well evidenced on average, has suited all five. The best of what they’ve experienced came from teachers who knew them, read what they needed, and drew on whatever approach fitted. A mandate can set a floor, but it cannot do that work.
That matters most for the learners our system has failed longest. A 2024 briefing to the incoming Minister of Education put it plainly: “Māori learners are a significant and growing proportion of all learners, 25% of school students in 2023 and projected to reach a third within the next two decades.” On average Māori rangatahi experience worse outcomes than other learners on every major metric we measure, a longstanding pattern that the briefing itself attributes to a system that has historically underserved them. This is not a failure of children, whānau or communities. It is a generational failure of the system, and it is now a failure that will define the system’s future, because these are the learners who will make up a growing share of it.
The same briefing offers a clue about what doesn’t work and what does. Where comparable data exists, Māori learners in kaupapa Māori and Māori-medium settings consistently do better than their peers, in settings built on identity, language, culture and strong relationships with whānau. The lesson is not that one approach beats another. It is that context and relationship shape whether any approach lands. An average gain in scores can sit comfortably alongside a gap that doesn’t move. Closing it takes a response that is targeted, built with whānau and iwi rather than delivered to them, and flexible enough to recognise who these learners are and what they bring.
Then there is a second problem, with nothing to do with pedagogy. Change that is mandated rarely survives on mandate alone. Teachers are being asked to implement approaches many were often not trained in, and some hold philosophical convictions that pull the other way. Add the message, spoken or implied, that the profession is being corrected for failing at its job, and you have a recipe for compliance without commitment. Trust is the infrastructure of any change process. Directives, however well researched and well intended, cannot stand in for it, and a system that expects teachers to deliver reform while being blamed for the need for it will find the reform hollowed out from within.
The same applies beyond the staffroom. Parents and whānau are critical stakeholders, not an audience to be informed. They hold their own hopes for their children and their own questions about what is changing and why. Their trust has to be earned alongside that of teachers.
Put these threads together and the real question comes into view. It is not “progressive or traditional?” or “inquiry or instruction?” Those are arguments about methods, and methods mean something only in service of purpose. The question we have not settled is what we want education to achieve for our young people, our communities and our country. Preparing learners for future employment is part of that answer, but it is far too small to be the whole of it.
What we need is a shared vision, agreed by teachers, school leaders, whānau, employers, tertiary providers and policymakers, that sets out the outcomes we expect of the system with real aspiration. With that in place, the choice of approach becomes a question of fit rather than allegiance: direct instruction where it serves, inquiry where it serves, and honest professional judgement about which is which.
We are heading into a general election, and every party will have a view on the changes under way. But the most important question is not which party owns which policy. As writer Sofo Archon puts it; “the real issue isn’t left versus right; it’s critical thinking versus a system that depends on you never developing it.” Critical thinking is not a nice-to-have in a young person’s education. It is among the core capabilities they will need to thrive – to question, weigh evidence, and make judgements of their own in a world that will keep presenting them with persuasive answers. A system that produces learners who can comply but cannot question has not prepared them for that world. The same goes for teachers. A profession required only to comply with directives is no more able to model critical thinking than the students it teaches. So the test I’d offer for every party and every promise is simple: “does this build the capacity to think, or does it settle for compliance?” Underneath that question sits the larger one we have yet to answer together: “what is education for, and who gets to decide?“
Explore further…
As an appendix to this post I offer my own summary of education-related policy as I’ve managed to glean it from the various party websites (listed in alphabetical order!)
ACT party Education brief
- School Uniform Cost Cap: Proposes limiting state schools to a maximum of three compulsory branded items, allowing generic alternatives (such as plain shorts, pants, skirts, skorts, and socks from standard retailers) to reduce costs for families.
- Classroom Discipline & “Reasonable Force”: Plans to amend the Education and Training Act 2020 to give teachers explicit legal power to use “reasonable force” to remove disruptive students into a supervised, staffed space (such as a deans’ or pastoral room).
- Parental Fines: Proposes fines of up to $3,000 for parents who fail to engage with schools regarding severe or persistent student behavioural issues.
- Charter Schools & School Freedom: Continues backing charter schools, clearer academic standards, transparent reporting, and operational freedom for high-performing schools.
- Rural Bus Services: Aims to address rural transport gaps, such as school buses passing children with empty seats.
(see more of ACT party education policy here – https://www.act.org.nz/policies/education)
Green Party education brief
- Free and Nutritious School Lunches: The Greens plan to restore, extend, and permanently fund the Ka Ora, Ka Ako school lunch program to ensure all children receive healthy, locally prepared kai.
- Jobs for Young People Guarantee: The party announced a $4.9 billion four-year program to guarantee a job, education, or training pathway for 16- to 24-year-olds who have been unemployed for six months or more, partnering with local councils, iwi, the public sector, and non-profits.
- Opposition to National’s NCEA & Education Changes: The Greens have criticized government and rival proposals regarding NCEA changes and amendments to the Education and Training Act, arguing they weaken student support and Tiriti obligations.
- Broader Platform Commitments: The party’s broader manifesto includes policies advocating for free access to education (including tertiary), liveable student allowances, lowering the voting age to 16, income guarantees for students, improved staff-to-student ratios, and integrated school hubs offering health and social services.
(see more Green party policies here https://www.greens.org.nz/policy)
Labour Party Education Brief
- School Uniforms & Costs: Limit compulsory branded school uniform items and track uniform prices starting Term 1, 2028, to allow affordable generic alternatives from stores like The Warehouse or Kmart.
- Free School Lunches: Reinstate and expand the school lunch programme, priced at $5 a meal for primary/intermediate and $6.50 for Year 9 to 13 students, prepared via school kitchens, iwi/hapū, or local caterers.
- Curriculum & NCEA Oversight: Create an independent education body (similar to the Infrastructure Commission) to oversee the curriculum and assessment, and tweak the National Certificate of Educational Achievement (NCEA) rather than replacing it.
- Student Debt: Write off 10% of student loan balances for New Zealand-based graduates who missed out on fees-free, clearing balances of $2,000 or less in full.
- Apprenticeships: Reset the Apprenticeship Boost scheme back to a two-year subsidy model starting in 2028.
- Rural Transport: Restore selected rural school bus routes.
Re labour party policy website: https://www.labour.org.nz/our-policies/
National Party Education Brief
Compulsory Year 11 Completion
- Staying in School: National will require high school students to stay in school until they finish Year 11 (starting in 2028 if re-elected), ending the current rule allowing students to leave when they turn 16.
- Impact: Affects roughly 5,000 students a year who currently leave during Year 11.
- Goal: Ensure students earn basic literacy and numeracy qualifications before entering the workforce.
Curriculum & Qualification Overhaul
- Scrapping NCEA: National plans to phase out NCEA and replace it with a new tiered national qualification system:
- Foundational Award in 2028.
- New Zealand Certificate of Education at Year 12 in 2029.
- New Zealand Advanced Certificate of Education at Year 13 in 2030
Operational & Support Policies
- Consistent Term Dates: Introduce nationally consistent school start and finish dates to help parents manage work and childcare.
- Early Childhood & School Limits: Policies include early childhood and school screen limits, alongside foundational requirements for reading, writing, and mathematics
Ref National party policy website – https://www.national.org.nz/policies
NZ First Education brief
New Zealand First’s education platform emphasizes a back-to-basics approach and a focus on core subjects while removing controversial social curricula.
Key Education Positions
- Curriculum Focus: Remove education about gender and sexuality from the school curriculum.
- Core Basics: Emphasize traditional learning fundamentals in primary and secondary schools.
- Language & Culture: Support making English the primary official language in education.
(See more on NZ First policy here: https://www.nzfirst.nz/policy)
Te Pati Maori education brief
Te Pāti Māori has announced its flagship education policy for the 2026 general election, centering on self-determination (tino rangatiratanga) and returning decision-making authority to Māori communities.
According to party policy announcements and reporting by Waatea News and The Spinoff, key elements of the policy include:
Governance & Structure
- Māori Education Authority: Establish an independent Māori-led education authority to shift leadership, funding oversight, and decision-making power back to Māori communities.
- System Governance: Strengthen Māori governance and representation across all levels of the education and training system.
Kōhanga Reo & Kura Investment
- Kura Property Funding: Pledge $1.25 billion over five years via a ring-fenced property programme for kura Māori.
- Kōhanga Reo Support:
- Pass a dedicated Te Kōhanga Reo Act.
- Provide $20 million a year for a kōhanga reo capital fund.
- Allocate $50 million to address a backlog of roughly 80 kōhanga reo requiring new buildings or refurbishments.
- Fund 20 new kōhanga reo over three years in partnership with Te Kōhanga Reo National Trust.
Curriculum & Language
- Te Reo Māori: Make te reo Māori a core curriculum subject up to Year 10 and restore Te Ahu o Te Reo Māori.
- Mātauranga Māori: Deeply embed mātauranga Māori (Māori knowledge systems) throughout the national curriculum.
- Wānanga & Wharekura: Increase long-term investment into kōhanga reo, kura kaupapa Māori, wharekura, and wānanga.
Student Welfare & Support
- Universal Student Allowance: Introduce a universal student allowance.
- Expanded Student Services:
- Expand free school lunches.
- Provide free public transport for all students.
- Offer free school counselling
- Workforce: Strengthen and support the education workforce.
(see more Te Pati Māori policy here https://www.maoriparty.org.nz/policy)
The Opportunity Party education brief
The Opportunity Party (TOP), led by Qiulae Wong, has made its core education policy for the 2026 election a 10-year, cross-party plan for education called Future-Fit Education.
Key Elements of the Policy
- 10-Year Cross-Party Agreement: TOP proposes ending the cycle of political resets and curriculum rewrites every time a new government is elected by building a long-term plan across Parliament.
- Independent Curriculum and Assessment Council: The party advocates for an independent body to set curriculum and assessment frameworks, taking political interference and short-term election cycles out of the classroom.
- Modernising Early Childhood Education (ECE): TOP supports higher staff, space, and education standards in ECE, alongside increased support for community-owned services (such as Playcentres, Kōhanga Reo, Kindergartens, and Pacific language nests).
- Teacher Workforce Planning: The policy includes advocating for a 10-year workforce plan covering training intakes, supervision, career pathways, and fair teacher remuneration rather than fighting for piecemeal budget increases year-by-year.
- Modern Learning and Technology: The platform calls for purposeful technology use in schools, expansion of te reo Māori learning, and better connection between vocational and academic learning pathways (including upgraded polytechnics).
- Te Tiriti o Waitangi Integration: The plan is designed in partnership with iwi, Māori communities, educators, learners, and families, grounded in Te Tiriti o Waitangi.
For more see the TOP education specific policy page – https://www.opportunity.org.nz/future_fit_education
